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ABSTRACTThis article assesses whether a gender gap in political science, identified in the international literature, also is present in the context of Italian political science. The literature has mostly centered on the comparison of female publication rates in international journals with the academic workforce in the United States, but this raises an issue of data comparability. As an alternative strategy to avoid comparability biases, this study focuses on the analysis of a single national case: Italy. The article evaluates to what extent the "glass-ceiling" effect persists for political scientists who intend to publish their contributions. By analyzing data on articles published between 2015 and 2020 by the three major Italian political science journals, this contribution shows that (1) the proportion of published articles written by female authors is lower than that of male authors; (2) the hypothesis that the lower female proportion depends on a lower female presence in the field of political science is refuted; (3) there is little collaboration between men and women; (4) there is a correlation between the presence of female editors in scientific journals and the proportion of female-authored articles; and (5) gender differences are reflected in women's academic career progression.

This paper analyses the European legislation on asylum, the so-called 'Dublin System', finding three main issues affecting it a) the allocation of refugees between member states; b) the differences between member states in the treatment of asylum seekers and asylum applications; and c) the differences in the rights granted to the refugee status across member states. In addition, it examines the European Agenda on Migration that represents the official response of the EU to the present crisis. In the last section, it presents some proposal aimed to improve the European managing of refugees and asylum seekers. Following a moderated cosmopolitan approach, I propose the establishment of a limited citizenship for refugees that might be thought as a temporary citizenship conditioned to the possession of the refugee status. At this particular citizenship, one may apply different rights, but to face the issues encountered, it may be sufficient to connect to it only the freedom of movement and residence throughout the EU. I argue that such a policy would have a number of advantages and could at least partially solve the issues currently present in the European asylum policy.

In questo paper analizziamo la relazione tra democrazia e diseguaglianza economica. Dalla revisione della letteratura emergono quattro linee teoriche principali che spiegano tale relazione di volta in volta come: una relazione lineare in cui la democrazia influenza la diseguaglianza economica; una relazione lineare in cui la diseguaglianza economica influenza la democrazia; una relazione non lineare, che prende la forma della così detta "U" invertita; nessuna relazione tra democrazia e diseguaglianza economica. Il nostro modello teorico prevede che l'aumento della qualità della democrazia all'interno di uno Stato riduca il livello di diseguaglianza economica, attraverso due canali, uno diretto ovvero la richiesta di politiche redistributive ed uno indiretto ossia l'aumento della qualità dell'istruzione. L'analisi econometrica utilizzando sia un approccio statico che uno dinamico mostra un'evidenza empirica a sostegno dell'esistenza di una relazione negativa e non lineare tra democrazia e diseguaglianza economica in cui all'aumentare della prima la seconda tende a diminuire, almeno fino ad un certo punto.

AbstractThe paper explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what democratic global governance is and what its aims are. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international organizations, the most important and visible part of global governance, correspond to the values of democracy. The third part presents what we label the internal and the external levers. The internal lever is defined as the ways in which democratization within countries helps to foster more transparent, accountable and participatory forms of global governance. The external lever is defined as the ways in which international organizations contribute to promote democratic transition and consolidation in their members. Neither the internal nor the external levers work effectively if they are left to inter‐governmental bargaining only. An active participation of non‐governmental actors is needed in order to make them effective. The paper finally discusses a list of proposals to democratize global governance.

Questo paper esplora i metodi per introdurre strumenti democratici all'interno della global governance. La prima parte cerca di stabilire cosa sia un deficit democratico. La seconda parte fornisce alcuni punti di riferimento che permettono di identificare quando e come le organizzazioni internazionali, la parte più importante e visibile della global governance, corrispondono ai valori della democrazia. La terza parte presenta le leve interna ed esterna. La leva interna è definita come il modo in cui la democratizzazione all'interno dei paesi contribuisce a promuovere forme più trasparenti, responsabili e participative di global governance. La leva esterna è definita come il modo in cui le organizzazioni internazionali contribuiscono a promuovere la transizione democratica e il consolidamento tra i loro membri. Né la leva interna né quella esterna funzionano in modo efficace quando sono lasciati alla mera contrattazione intergovernativa. Una partecipazione attiva degli attori intergovernativi è necessaria al fine di rendere le leve efficaci. Il paper infine discute un elenco di proposte per rendere democratica la global governance

Of all the socio-economic changes caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, the disruption to workforce organizations will probably leave the largest indelible mark. The way work will be organized in the future will be closely linked to the experience of working under the same institution's response to the pandemic. This paper aims to fill the gap in knowledge about smart working (SW) in public organizations, with a focus on the experience of the employees of two Italian research organizations, CNR and INGV. Analysing primary data, it explored and assessed how SW had been experienced following the implementation of governmental measures aimed at limiting the spread of COVID-19. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11115-021-00559-9.

Of all the socio-economic changes caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, the disruption to workforce organizations will probably leave the largest indelible mark. The way work will be organized in the future will be closely linked to the experience of work-ing under the same institution's response to the pandemic. This paper aims to fill the gap in knowledge about smart working (SW) in public organizations, with a focus on the experience of the employees of two Italian research organizations, CNR and INGV. Analysing primary data, it explored and assessed how SW had been experi-enced following the implementation of governmental measures aimed at limiting the spread of COVID-19 ; Published ; 815–833 ; 2TM. Divulgazione Scientifica ; JCR Journal

Global Governance from Regional Perspectives' argues that the academic debate on global governance has neglected the combination of power with value constellations/culture. Both input and output legitimacy, for instance, or the exercise of control and influence are inextricably related to culture, worldviews, and values. The book questions theoretically the Western hegemonic and hence 'invisible' definition of governance and related concepts, as well as the Western hegemony over global governance institutions. It looks from the ground up whether, and how, alternative practices, institutions/networks, and concepts/norms of global governance are emerging in relation to emerging powers and regional integration systems. 'Global Governance from Regional Perspectives' starts with a critical reading of global governance from multi-disciplinary views and engages with two important and under-studied aspects, notably how global governance can be measured and what lies behind such measurements , and questions the democratic deficit of global governance. The book provides a series of regional and country perspectives on global governance which engage with a specific example of an institution, process, or issue that is used to highlight why and how the western hegemonic views and practices of global governance are (or not) contested